Monday, June 12, 2006

Publishing secrets

By Hume's Ghost

"The people shall not be deprived or abridged of their right to speak, to write, or to publish their sentiments, and the freedom of the press, as one of the great bulwarks of liberty, shall be inviolable." - James Madison

In an editorial for the Washington Post yesterday, associate editor Robert Kaiser wrote what is so far one of the best and most important explanations for the publication of classified material to date in a major American newspaper. I'll here highlight a few points.

Kaiser begins by listing stories that have been revealed that the White House intended to keep secret.

Thanks to resourceful reporters, we have learned a great deal about the war that the administration apparently never intended to reveal: that the CIA never could assure the White House that Saddam Hussein's Iraq actually had weapons of mass destruction; that U.S. forces egregiously abused prisoners at Abu Ghraib; that the United States had a policy of rendering terrorism suspects to countries such as Egypt and Jordan where torture is commonplace; that the United States established secret prisons in Eastern Europe for terrorism suspects; that the National Security Agency was eavesdropping without warrants on the phone calls of countless Americans, as well as keeping track of whom Americans called from home and work.
All of these stories have something in common: they all reflect negatively on the administration. Which leads Kaiser to his next point, that "secrecy and security are not the same," where he cites the Nixon administration's attempt to stop the publication of the Pentagon Papers as a matter of national security.*

The Nixon administration was in power, and it went to court to block publication on grounds that revealing this history would endanger the nation. A court in New York enjoined the two papers from publishing the information for several days.

But the Supreme Court decided, 6 to 3, that the government had failed to make a case that overrode the constitutional bias in favor of publication. The man who argued the case was Solicitor General Erwin N. Griswold. Eighteen years later, Griswold wrote a confession for the op-ed page of this newspaper: "I have never seen any trace of a threat to the national security from the publication [of the Papers]. Indeed, I have never seen it even suggested that there was such an actual threat."
Next, Kaiser explains the careful steps that are taken to assure that a story about classified information will not hurt national security, noting that the Post's reporters consult with the government before publishing classified information, often agreeing to protect secrets that are said to be a matter of national security. He explains that there is a common sense difference between the "gratuitous revelation of secrets" and publishing information that raises important issues for American voters.

The bottom line, though, is that the public must know what it's leaders are doing to be able to hold them accountable for their actions, and that:


no single authority should be able to decide what information should reach the public. Some readers ask us why the president's decisions on how best to protect the nation shouldn't govern us, and specifically our choices of what to publish. The answer is that in the American system of checks and balances, the president cannot be allowed to decide what the voters need to know to hold him accountable. A king may have such power, but the elected executive of a republic cannot, or we will have no more republic.
Kaiser next mentions Attorney General Alberto Gonzales's statement that the administration is considering prosecuting journalists for violations of espionage laws, which he recognizes as an act of intimidation. I digress here for a moment to quote from National Review Online contributing editor Jonathan Adler (cowritten with Michael Berry), whom I believe has addressed this issue as well as anyone else, and, indeed, perhaps better than anyone else, since Adler argues from the perspective that even if you support the President's actions, such an intimidation of the press will set a precedent that would allow future presidents to hide actions that you do not approve of.

The Founding Fathers understood that a free and independent press is critical to self-governance and to the constitutional order they established. The Constitution states that Congress “shall make no law” abridging the freedom of the press. This mandate is clear and unmistakable. The press should be free to publish news reports without fear that Congress will criminalize those publications.

Publishing classified information is not the same thing as stealing state secrets or spying for the enemy. There is a distinction between clamping down on government employees who leak sensitive national security information and targeting the reporters who publish those leaks. It is one thing to question the wisdom or propriety of publishing sensitive national-security information, or to allege media bias. But it is quite another to call for the criminal prosecution of journalists for reporting on matters of public concern, even when those matters implicate national security. Not every embarrassing or unfortunate disclosure is a criminal act.
Returning to Kaiser, he closes with a poignant point from Justice Hugo Black's Pentagon Papers opinion

"The government's power to censor the press was abolished [by the First Amendment] so that the press would remain forever free to censure the government. The press was protected so that it could bare the secrets of government and inform the people."
In related news, Nat Hentoff, who is probably more aware of the threat that the Bush administration poses to civic liberty than any other journalist, writes in his latest Liberty Beat column about the "states secrets" privilege, the "Bush administration's favorite means of staying in the shadows of the parallel legal system it keeps on inventing."

If it were not for reporting like that of the Washington Post (and of reporters like Charlie Savage) we would not even know about this parallel legal system in the first place. But does not the American public have a right to know if its government has decided to choose for itself a different sytem of government that the one chosen by the people, the one enshrined in the Constitution?

*The reporter Daniel Ellsberg, the man who broke leaked the Pentagon Papers story to the NYTs has written an article for the LA Times today explaining why he published leaked them. (h/t Paul Rosenberg, for pointing out my error).

33 comments:

  1. I kinda disagree with my esteemed colleague wg on that middle point. I like the long original posts (except when they're only long because they haven't been edited and just say the same thing over and over and over ... and over again).

    But a brief abstract at the top wouldn't hurt, and wg's spot-on about the usually great comments.

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  2. Thanks, Paul. Correction made (or will be made in a moment.)

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  3. I just ran across the most remarkable thing I have read in months. Perhaps it is not germane to this post, precisely, or you may already be aware of it; but I link to it anyway, because it provides such a convincing historical context and argument (I think) for everything Glenn has been advocating here.

    FREE SPEECH AND THE RIGHT OF CONGRESS TO DECLARE THE OBJECTS OF THE WAR

    Here's an extended sample (all emphasis mine):
    "Six Members of the Senate and 50 Members of the House voted against the declaration of war. Immediately there was let loose upon those Senators and Representatives a flood of invective and abuse from newspapers and individuals who had been clamoring for war, unequaled, I believe, in the history of civilized society.

    "Prior to the declaration of war every man who had ventured to oppose our entrance into it had been condemned as a coward or worse, and even the President had by no means been immune from these attacks.

    "Since the declaration of war the triumphant war press has pursued those Senators and Representations who voted against war with malicious falsehood and recklessly libelous attacks, going to the extreme limit of charging them with treason against their country.

    [doesn't that sound familiar? later on...]

    "But, sir, it is not alone Members of Congress that the war party in this country has sought to intimidate. The mandate seems to have gone forth to the sovereign people of this country that they must be silent while those things are being done by their Government which most vitally concern their well-being, their happiness, and their lives. To-day and for weeks past honest and law-abiding citizens of this country are being terrorized and outraged in their rights by those sworn to uphold the laws and protect the rights of the people. I have in my possession numerous affidavits establishing the fact that people are being unlawfully arrested, thrown into jail, held incommunicado for days, only to be eventually discharged without ever having been taken into court, because they have committed no crime. Private residences are being invaded, loyal citizens of undoubted integrity and probity arrested, cross-examined, and the most sacred constitutional rights guaranteed to every American citizen are being violated.

    "It appears to be the purpose of those conducting this campaign to throw the country into a state of terror, to coerce public opinion, to stifle criticism, and suppress discussion of the great issues involved in this war.

    [eerie, isn't it? continuing directly...]

    "I think all men recognize that in time of war the citizen must surrender some rights for the common good which he is entitled to enjoy in time of peace. But sir, the right to control their own Government according to constitutional forms is not one of the rights that the citizens of this country are called upon to surrender in time of war.

    [here comes the kicker!]

    "Rather in time of war the citizen must be more alert to the preservation of his right to control his Government. He must be most watchful of the encroachment of the military upon the civil power. He must beware of those precedents in support of arbitrary action by administrative officials, which excused on the plea of necessity in war time, become the fixed rule when the necessity has passed and normal conditions have been restored.

    [Isn't that what Glenn has been saying too? One more quote, this time a meta-quote; the speaker is quoting Senator Henry Clay from an 1847 statement:]

    "And, if a war be commenced without any previous declaration of its objects, as in the case of the existing war with Mexico, Congress must necessarily possess the authority, at any time, to declare for what purposes it shall be further prosecuted. If we suppose Congress does not possess the controlling authority attributed to it, if it be contended that a war having been once commenced, the President of the United States may direct it to the accomplishment of any object he pleases, without consulting and without any regard to the will of Congress, the convention will have utterly failed in guarding the Nation against the abuses and ambition of a single individual. Either Congress or the President possess if and may prosecute it for objects against the will of Congress, where is the difference between our free Government and that of any other nation which may be governed by an absolute Czar, Emperor, or King?"

    Wholly remarkable. Allow me to correct the Henry Clay quote a bit, because either the web page or the statement itself kludged it up:

    "Either congress or the president, must have the right of determining upon the objects for which a war shall be prosecuted. There is no other alternative. If the president possesses it and prosecute it for objects against the will of congress, where is the difference between our free government and that of any other nations which may be governed by an absolute Czar, Emperor, of King."

    The speaker is Senator Robert La Follette of Wisconsin, speaking on the floor of the Senate on October 6, 1917. La Follette was a Republican. Also a Progressive, but definitely a Republican.

    Read the whole speech. I think it's worth it to see how many parallels there are in what was being done and said now and then.

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  4. wg said:

    This site is excellent primarily because of the level of discussion in comments.

    One thing would make it still better for this reader - brevity of original postings.

    I'll disagree. One of the things that makes this blog so useful and unique is the high quality and thoroughness of the original postings.

    Some folks like the New Yorker. The wonderful thing about the Interner is that there's something there for every taste ... and you can read what you want and stop reading when you want.

    Now that's two paragraphs. I'm sure I could have said it in a sentence or so ... something like "heh. indeed." perhaps....

    Cheers,

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  5. Why does the Constitution hate America?

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  6. You provide some very good examples of the media actually doing its job, and (importantly!) point out Mr Gonzales' recent attempt to do away with freedom of the press (using the National Security excuse in a very Orwellian way). What terrifies me is the fact that U.S. media sources are already disclosing only a very tiny percentage of what's going on, through reliance on official sources (Reuters citing "Department of Defence Handouts" as news sources), self-censoring (Christianne Ammanpor of CNN was recently quoted in the Asia Times admitting that reporters were going along with "draconian state encroachments on their freedom" and practicing "self censorship" [amanpor] to "please political masters" [the other quotes are from the Asia Times story]), and as you mentioned neglecting to cover material for Orwellian "national security" reasons. If the media is already not telling the full story, and that's not enough for this administration, then how far exactly do they plan to go to keep the American Public in the dark? The thought worries me greatly.

    When hitler took power in Germany in the 1930s, one of his first major actions was to put together large scale "book burnings." He was well aware that an ignorant population is far easier to control. Is this what is to become of America?

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  7. Anonymous7:53 PM

    '"The government's power to censor the press was abolished [by the First Amendment]'

    That's crap. The governemnt doesn't have the power to censor the press. Nowhere in articles 1,2 or 3 does the constitution grant government the power to censor the press so the first amendment didn't abolish anything. All the first amendment does is give people a reason to believe there are implied powers hidden in the constitution. Some of those people write memos, (cheerful, concise memos I guess) that presidents read.

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  8. Anonymous8:33 PM

    Hume's Ghost:

    Publishing Secrets

    "The people shall not be deprived or abridged of their right to speak, to write, or to publish their sentiments, and the freedom of the press, as one of the great bulwarks of liberty, shall be inviolable." - James Madison


    What does the right to "publish sentiments" (ie opinions) have to do with disclosing top secret intelligence gathering operations to al Qaeda?

    Kaiser begins by listing stories that have been revealed that the White House intended to keep secret...All of these stories have something in common: they all reflect negatively on the administration.

    The issue was never whether the press could publish material embarrassing to the country. The only issue is whether reporters are just as liable as everyone else for disclosing classified information about top secret intelligence gathering programs to the enemy. The WP is mixing in unrelated stories to muddy the water.

    Which leads Kaiser to his next point, that "secrecy and security are not the same," where he cites the Nixon administration's attempt to stop the publication of the Pentagon Papers as a matter of national security.*

    Not a good idea to use this case as precedent. A majority of the Pentagon Papers court held that, while the government could not enjoin publication of the Pentagon Papers war plans, the government could prosecute the reporters after the fact for violations of the Espionage Act.

    The bottom line, though, is that the public must know what it's leaders are doing to be able to hold them accountable for their actions...

    This is spin. No one is claiming that the President may classify criminal activity. The issue once again is whether the press is immune from the Espionage Act for disclosing perfectly legal intelligence gathering to the enemy.

    no single authority should be able to decide what information should reach the public. Some readers ask us why the president's decisions on how best to protect the nation shouldn't govern us, and specifically our choices of what to publish. The answer is that in the American system of checks and balances, the president cannot be allowed to decide what the voters need to know to hold him accountable. A king may have such power, but the elected executive of a republic cannot, or we will have no more republic.

    The People elected the President to make just these kind of decisions and the Congress to oversee these decisions.

    NO ONE elected the self appointed arbitrators in the press to make any decision whatsoever concerning what is or is not classified.

    The press may fancy themselves as a part of the government's checks and balances, but they are no such thing.

    The Constitution states that Congress “shall make no law” abridging the freedom of the press. This mandate is clear and unmistakable. The press should be free to publish news reports without fear that Congress will criminalize those publications.

    Can I rewrite the Constitution too?

    The courts have repeatedly held that there is no First Amendment right to disclose classified information to the enemy. The courts have also repeatedly held that the press has no greater First Amendment right than you or I to do anything.

    Publishing classified information is not the same thing as stealing state secrets or spying for the enemy.

    LMMFAOROTF!!!

    :::ahem:::

    Pray tell what is the effective difference between Risen informing al Qaeda about the NSA Program and an al Qaeda mole at NSA doing the same exact thing?

    Apart, of course, from the fact that the al Qaeda mole is probably motivated by loyalty to a misbegotten cause while Risen is betraying his country to sell some books.

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  9. This comment has been removed by a blog administrator.

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  10. Sorry - I posted something about the linking experience that wasn't called for - just my irritation with Blogger and ignorance that it was Blogger's call, not yours. Anyway, when I linked to your post (that's my link, the [first] one below) I changed the name of it, not realizing that that would render the link here inoperable.

    FWIW, the actual linked post is at

    http://thegreenbelt.blogspot.com/2006/06/secrets-should-they-be-published.html

    Excellent essay, as usual - I wish people could wrap their minds around the concept that the Founders knew what they were doing. We may or may not like what they did, but it's foolish to insist that they were sloppy and didn't know what they were about.

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  11. Anonymous9:28 PM

    Semanticleo said...

    Guaranteed that if the present court were on the bench for the Pentagon Papers case, it would have been 5-4 to ban publication

    Probably.

    That decision was incoherent. If the publication would be illegal and could be prosecuted after the fact, why exactly could not a judge order the publication enjoined before the damage is done?

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  12. HWSNBN misstates the law again:

    [Home's Ghost]: Which leads Kaiser to his next point, that "secrecy and security are not the same," where he cites the Nixon administration's attempt to stop the publication of the Pentagon Papers as a matter of national security.*

    Not a good idea to use this case as precedent. A majority of the Pentagon Papers court held that, while the government could not enjoin publication of the Pentagon Papers war plans, the government could prosecute the reporters after the fact for violations of the Espionage Act.

    Absolute rubbish (and RW "spin points" propaganda, which is probably where HWSNB picked up this nugget of disinformation).

    New York Times v. U.S. had no such holding. Don't believe me, just go read it yourself. The holding was in a per curiam (this is the entirety of the opinion:

    ***************

    PER CURIAM.

    We granted certiorari in these cases in which the United States seeks to enjoin the New York Times and the Washington Post from publishing the contents of a classified study entitled "History of U.S. Decision-Making Process on Viet Nam Policy." Post, pp. 942, 943.

    "Any system of prior restraints of expression comes to this Court bearing a heavy presumption against its constitutional validity." Bantam Books, Inc. v. Sullivan, 372 U.S. 58, 70 (1963); see also Near v. Minnesota, 283 U.S. 697 (1931). The Government "thus carries a heavy burden of showing justification for the imposition of such a restraint." Organization for a Better Austin v. Keefe, 402 U.S. 415, 419 (1971). The District Court for the Southern District of New York in the New York Times case and the District Court for the District of Columbia and the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit in the Washington Post case held that the Government had not met that burden. We agree.

    The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit is therefore affirmed. The order of the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit is reversed and the case is remanded with directions to enter a judgment affirming the judgment of the District Court for the Southern District of New York. The stays entered June 25, 1971, by the Court are vacated. The judgments shall issue forthwith.

    So ordered.

    ***************

    Even if HWSNB is going to dig for dicta here as to whether a criminal prosecution could be made under the laws as they existed, he won't find a support for his lies above. The best he can do is cite the concurrences of Stewart and White, but even they don't make a claim that a criminal prosecution would be warranted in this case (and for good reason; you need facts to convict somone -- something noticeably lacking in a prior injunction case).

    But two justices (in dicta) is hardly a "majority".

    As usual, HWSNBN is full'o'sh*te.

    Cheers,

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  13. HWSNBN misses the boat:

    [Hume's Ghost]: The bottom line, though, is that the public must know what it's leaders are doing to be able to hold them accountable for their actions...

    This is spin. No one is claiming that the President may classify criminal activity.

    But what's happening is the preznit is using a combination of the "state's secrets" defence and reporter intimidation to try and suppress any information about whether (and how) the maladministration is acting criminally, as various people have alleged (and as the maladministration has essentially admitted).

    Cheers.

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  14. HWSNBN:

    [Hume's Ghost]: Publishing classified information is not the same thing as stealing state secrets or spying for the enemy.

    LMMFAOROTF!!!

    "Laughing my monstrously fat a$$ off..."? Wouldn't advertise that if I were you, Bart.

    But, yes, there a difference. And the criminal code recognises it.

    Cheers,

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  15. HWSNBN exhibits total cluelessness:

    [Semanticleo]: Guaranteed that if the present court were on the bench for the Pentagon Papers case, it would have been 5-4 to ban publication

    Probably.

    That decision was incoherent. If the publication would be illegal and could be prosecuted after the fact, why exactly could not a judge order the publication enjoined before the damage is done?

    Ummm, even the concurrences there that HWSNBN is so enamoured of (even though he hasn't read them) explain it. There's just no hope for the hard of thinking though, so HWSNBN is doomed to a lifetime of insignificance.

    Cheers,

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  16. Anonymous11:08 PM

    The Bush Administration's wholesale use of national security as a means of refusing to account to the public for its problematic/stupid/illegal acts is deplorable.

    The question as regards the difference between the Al Qaeda mole revealing something and a reporter is a red herring. It conflates the information an agent might reveal that is specifically damaging, such as the name of an agent, with the broader information actually revealed in these stories, that the U.S. is acting illegaly.

    If an Al Qaeda mole did reveal that there was widespread illegal wiretapping by the administration, they are in fact doing us a favor. We would not condemn such an agent for helping an old woman across the street. The issue to focus on is the act, not the person.

    The stories revealed so far embarass the U.S. and for good reason. They show us acting without honor or wisdom. That should not be the basis for a criminal prosecution, at least if democracy is to continue to function.

    If it can be shown that a newspaper stepped over a line and did reveal some specific secret of immediate damage to the U.S., with intent, then prosecution for treason in that instance would be no different than for any other party

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  17. Glenn:

    The Bush Administration's wholesale use of national security as a means of refusing to account to the public for its problematic/stupid/illegal acts is deplorable.

    Indeed. Not everyone was around during the Nixon days, but I remember it well. Matter of fact, back then we had a Congress with a spine, (some) Republicans with integrity, and a Supreme Court not hand-picked by conservatives for their fidelity to party above all. So Nixon got slapped by the Supreme Court for his "executive privilege" BS, denounced for his illegalities by even his own party, and ridden out of town on a rail by Congress.

    Little did I know back then that "those were the good ol' days"....

    Cheers,

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  18. "The issue once again is whether the press is immune from the Espionage Act for disclosing perfectly legal intelligence gathering to the enemy."

    If by "perfectly legal" you mean in violation of FISA and by "the enemy" you mean the American public, then, yes, I agree. That's what this is about. It helps if you translate back from the Newspeak.

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  19. Anonymous1:25 AM

    June 12, 2006
    Your Netroots Are Showing
    The left side of the blogosphere: rising force or sellout?
    by Justin Raimondo

    The news that Bush has given Iran "weeks, not months" to ditch its nuclear power program and essentially surrender its sovereignty comes as no surprise to veteran War Party-watchers, such as this guy at DailyKos.com, who recalls that the same template was used back in 2003. Déjà vu, anyone?

    Oh, but don't you worry, folks – Sen. Harry Reid just told the yearly conference held by DailyKos – a virtual community of left-liberal Democrats – that in the run-up to this war, intelligence-verification is going to be "transparent." Now doesn't that make you feel much much better?

    No?

    How can you say that, when the good senator assures us his proposed legislation – aside from conjuring a brand-spanking-new national intelligence estimate for Iran – will somehow "require" intelligence czar John "Death Squad" Negroponte to put in place a review board devoted to examining public statements made by administration officials regarding Iran?

    Some people are just so hard to please.

    Reid told the mostly antiwar Democratic bloggers just what they wanted to hear:

    "What we need to know – and still don't know today – is whether the White House intentionally cherry-picked and politicized intelligence to sell the war."

    Or, rather, what he thought they wanted to hear. I imagine all too many of them were scratching their heads instead of applauding (or, more likely, even as they gave him a standing ovation), and wondering what world the senator inhabits: everybody knows the War Party cherry-picked intelligence, as documented here, here, and here. Not only that, but they fabricated "intelligence" wholesale, with the invaluable aid and assistance of Ahmed "Hero in Error" Chalabi – who was feeding lies to the White House (and Judith Miller) while on the U.S. payroll (to the tune of some $350,000 a month).

    We "still don't know today"? Hogwash!

    Yes, the Kossacks (as they call themselves) had a convention, and what a wingding it was. Reid, Howard Dean, and Virginia Gov. Mark Warner, the ostensible anti-Hillary, topped the bill, with panels on everything from foreign policy to special-interest group concerns. Arianna met with all the Dem bigshots, including Reid, who, in response to the Airhead's query about Iraq, intoned:

    "We passed a law in the senate, by 79 votes, that 2006 will be a year of significant transition in Iraq."

    Yes, but a transition to what? To this? Or this? Or, maybe, this?

    Arianna is kissing up to the same Harry Reid who didn't even read the intelligence estimate that justified his yes vote for war. Let her whisper all the sweet nothings she can muster in the senatorial ear, it just goes in and then right out the other side.

    The YearlyKos, as it's called, culled a generous swath of newsprint and online coverage, all of it breathlessly reporting the rise of this "netroots" trend. I suspect that was because the event reinforced the MSM myth that opposition to the war – the real motivating issue behind the netroots phenom – is a partisan affair. Yet the Democratic politicians who pandered to the crowd all supported the war – with presidential wannabe Warner even raising the "threat" posed by Iran. This is nothing new for Warner, who, at a Democratic Leadership Council event, told the neocon wing of the party of Jefferson it's time to get tough with Tehran:

    "What makes me particularly so frustrated right now is we have used up American military and our world credibility on Iraq when the real deal is happening right next door in Iran. Whether it is a jihadist leader, the potential for weapons of mass destruction, state-sponsored terror, we absolutely must rally the world in a concerted effort to stop Iranian expansionism. I think it is a threat to the whole region, not only our troops in Iraq, but Israel, to the west and to the world, as well as to states all across the region. At the same time, I think in the next six to nine months you will see what happens in Iran, whether the world can come together. I do think – and I'll give the administration credit on this – I'm glad they've engaged with Iran."


    This is a somewhat more reasonable position than that taken by Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, who openly threatens Iran with war, but not much more.

    I don't mean to disdain or downplay the sincerely held antiwar views – and activism – of many Kossacks, but this New York Times Magazine profile puts the Democratic "netroots" movement in the proper perspective:

    "For all the philosophizing about the meaning of online campaigns and the passing of the 20th-century political model, this next iteration of American politics won't really look so dissimilar from the ones that came before. Just as the liberal social activists of the first television generation overthrew the urban bosses who had ruled the Democratic Party, so, too, the [Kossacks] of the world, a decade from now, may very well be running for Congress, managing campaigns, and lobbying for legislation. This is as it should be. Technologies change and movements flourish, but the essential process of American politics endures. And those who lead the most consequential revolts against the status quo never really vanquish the party's insider establishment. They simply take its place."


    The Democratic leadership is eager to use the "netroots" to facilitate the party's ascension to power – and the acquisition of power is what the leaders of this movement desire most of all. As such, it can never lead to a fundamental reevaluation and reform of American foreign policy.

    Which is not to say, however, that this upsurge of Democratic dissent is to be ignored as worthless or attacked as pernicious: quite the opposite. The leadership of this movement may be after power for its own sake, but the rank-and-file is motivated, for the most part, by a sincere desire to stand up to the War Party and take back our foreign policy from the neocons – of both parties – who have hijacked it.

    Insofar as there is any meaningful opposition to the crazed foreign policy of this administration, it is coming from the Left – a trend I anticipated in a speech to the second annual Antiwar.com conference, held six years ago, and also in the title of a column written in the summer of 2002, "Go Left, Young Man."

    The ferment represented by the "netroots" upsurge is a symptom of a broader crisis of confidence in the ruling elites in government, in the "mainstream" media, and in the two political parties. The War Party has dragged us to the edge of wrack and ruin: the looming disaster in Iraq threatens to metastasize into a much larger conflict, one drawing in the major regional rival for American hegemony in the Middle East, Iran. And the Democratic Party leadership has hopped right on board, despite Reid's assurance that, this time, the intelligence-gathering process is going to be "transparent."

    What's transparent, however, is the attempt to divert the energy and earnestness of the "netroots" movement into the gaping maw of the Democratic Party Establishment – or, at the very least, a new Establishment, waiting in the wings to take the place of the older version.

    Reid is a co-sponsor – along with Sens. George Allen (R-Va.), John McCain (R-Ariz.), Evan Bayh (D-Ind.), and Minority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.). – of the new Iran sanctions legislation, which is opposed by the Bush administration as too radical and warmongering. Sen. Dick Lugar (R-Ind.), not any Democrat, is leading the opposition to the draconian bill drafted by wingnuts Rick Santorum (R-Pa.) and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-Fla.). The imposition of strict economic sanctions on Iran would be, in itself, an act just short of war – and would send out an unmistakable signal to the Iranians and the rest of the world: the shooting is about to start.

    The one Democratic presidential aspirant who might reflect the antiwar and pro-civil liberties views of the archetypal Kossack, Sen. Russ Feingold, did not attend the YearlyKos confab. However one explains his absence, one can only hope that the true voice of the "netroots" – not Harry Reid's –is waiting to be heard.

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  20. anonymous:

    Thanks for that article by Justin Raimondo. Couldn't have said it better myself. Razzies for all the star-struck people that were just glad to have someone of the "power elite" within spitting distance, and kudos to anyone who tried to hold their feet to the fire.

    I'm sick of wusses. And Democrats of one finger (to the wind) and no spine.

    Let's get some people in that are willing to say strongly and forthrightly (even if they got snowed previously) that they don't trust the maladministration a damn bit, that the maladministration is a den of liars, thiefs, and felons (which it unarguably is), and that we're going to take back this country and do it by taking on the Rethuglicans head on each and every time they spew their lies and horsesh*t.

    OK. Take a drink, Arne. Sit down. Relax.... Everything will be fine if you just "play along".....

    Cheers,

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  21. Anonymous1:28 PM

    Arne:

    Even if HWSNB is going to dig for dicta here as to whether a criminal prosecution could be made under the laws as they existed, he won't find a support for his lies above. The best he can do is cite the concurrences of Stewart and White, but even they don't make a claim that a criminal prosecution would be warranted in this case (and for good reason; you need facts to convict somone -- something noticeably lacking in a prior injunction case).

    I should not have used the term "holding." Rather, the justices on the Court raised this possibility of prosecuting the NYT on their own initiative.

    The White concurrence lays out the law.

    The Burger and Blackmun dissents approved of the White concurrence.

    The Harlan dissent would go further and grant the injunction sought by the government to prevent the NYT from disclosing the Pentagon Papers to the NV.

    This conclusion is hardly my own. The NYT attorneys were worried that the government might proceed against the NYT after the publication of the Pentagon Papers based on these opinions.

    ReplyDelete
  22. Anonymous1:34 PM

    Glenn said...

    If it can be shown that a newspaper stepped over a line and did reveal some specific secret of immediate damage to the U.S., with intent, then prosecution for treason in that instance would be no different than for any other party

    You are confusing your policy preferences with the actual law.

    There is no requirement to prove "immediate damage" under either the Espionage Act or the Treason statute.

    There is also no distinction between the Press and you or I under the Constitution or federal criminal statutes.

    ReplyDelete
  23. Anonymous1:40 PM

    HG:

    The NYT are welcome to make their illegality argument in a motion to dismiss before the judge at their felony Espionage Act trial.

    They will lose.

    Contrary to Glenn's myna bird refrain that the program is "illegal," the lack of law in his book to back up that proposition makes my case.

    ReplyDelete
  24. Anonymous2:05 PM

    [In sentencing government leaker Lawrence Franklin to 12 years in prison in the AIPAC case,] U.S. District Judge T.S. Ellis III told the courtroom in Alexandria, Va., that he believed civilians are just as liable as government employees under laws governing the dissemination of classified information.

    “Persons who have unauthorized possession, who come into unauthorized possession of classified information, must abide by the law,” Ellis said.

    “That applies to academics, lawyers, journalists, professors, whatever.”

    http://www.jta.org/page_view_story.asp?intarticleid=16239

    ReplyDelete
  25. Anonymous3:36 PM

    Let it be known that a certain poster repeatedly refers to "the enemy". In this way he is trying to frame the goal of the press in the US as communicating with terrorists and not the American people. Of course, patriots talk to Americans, pinko spies talk to foreigners.

    I expect that after Watergate there was almost zero challenge to the idea that the American people should know when the President has done wrong. So how do you hide alleged Presidential crimes? You say it embarasses the country and makes people angry enough to kill Americans (military and civilian) abroad.

    ReplyDelete
  26. HWSNBN sez:

    [Arne]: Even if HWSNB is going to dig for dicta here as to whether a criminal prosecution could be made under the laws as they existed, he won't find a support for his lies above. The best he can do is cite the concurrences of Stewart and White, but even they don't make a claim that a criminal prosecution would be warranted in this case (and for good reason; you need facts to convict somone -- something noticeably lacking in a prior injunction case).

    I should not have used the term "holding." Rather, the justices on the Court raised this possibility of prosecuting the NYT on their own initiative.

    Shorter HWSNBN: "I was once again blowing it out my a$$ and misstating law."

    The White concurrence lays out the law.

    But makes no comment (and for good reason; the issue is not before the court) as to whether a criminal prosecution is warranted in the case at bar.

    Here's Stewart (with White concurring):

    "Congress has passed such laws, and several of them are of very colorable relevance to the apparent circumstances of these cases. And if a criminal prosecution is instituted, it will be the responsibility of the courts to decide the applicability of the criminal law under which the charge is brought."

    Even White's concurrence (joined ny Stewart) doesn't conclude as HWSNBN has claimed:

    "The Criminal Code contains numerous provisions potentially relevant to these cases. Section 797 makes it a crime to publish certain photographs or drawings of military installations. Section 798, also in precise language, proscribes knowing and willful publication of any classified information concerning the cryptographic systems or communication intelligence activities of the United States as well as any information obtained from communication intelligence operations. If any of the material here at issue is of this nature, the newspapers are presumably now on full notice of the position of the United States and must face the consequences if they publish. I would have no difficulty in sustaining convictions under these sections on facts that would not justify the intervention of equity and the imposition of a prior restraint."

    Even White leaves unstated whether, and under what particular circumstances, a criminal prosecution would be possible on publication of classified information. As noted above, the statutory proscriptions are more limited than simply publication of any classified material.

    BTW, HWSNBN ought to look at the previous experiences of James Bamford (noted scholar of the NSA, with several widely recognised books written about the agency) and the gummint attempts to suppress his, and David Kahn's, books.

    Adds White:

    "I am not, of course, saying that either of these newspapers has yet committed a crime or that either would commit a crime if it published all the material now in its possession. That matter must await resolution in the context of a criminal proceeding if one is instituted by the United States."

    The Burger and Blackmun dissents approved of the White concurrence.

    Which says only that criminal prosecutions may be possible under some specific circumstances (but refuses to say whether or not the particular instance would constitute such).

    The Harlan dissent would go further and grant the injunction sought by the government to prevent the NYT from disclosing the Pentagon Papers to the NV.

    In order to decide the case in a more leisurely and reflective manner (a sentiment that Burger and Blackmun agree with). But says nothing of criminal prosecutions. HWSNBN is short of a "majority" (White, Stewart, Balckmun, and Burger) even in his dicta.

    Misstating dicta. What next?

    Cheers,

    ReplyDelete
  27. HWSNBN:

    This conclusion is hardly my own. The NYT attorneys were worried that the government might proceed against the NYT after the publication of the Pentagon Papers based on these opinions.

    They didn't (even if HWSNBN's claim, unsupported and thus unverifiable, is true). Didn't even try a prosecution, much less obtain a conviction.

    You know, you'd think that if there was a crime committed, they'd do that....

    Cheers,

    ReplyDelete
  28. HWSNBN sees things that others can't see:

    The NYT are welcome to make their illegality argument in a motion to dismiss before the judge at their felony Espionage Act trial.

    They will lose.

    The maladministration won't pursue such a case. They're afraid of the courts. They'd prefer to leave it be at intimidation, rather than put it if front of a court for resolution, and lose even this weapon.

    Just a FYI: HWSNBN sees lots of things other people don't. I think that a sufficient dosage of Haldol might help....

    Cheers,

    ReplyDelete
  29. HWSNBN:

    Contrary to Glenn's myna bird refrain that the program is "illegal," the lack of law in his book to back up that proposition makes my case.

    HWSNBN excludes statute books from his reading repertoire. Just a "common law man"....

    But just as an aside, when I was in law school, one of the mandatory authorities was statute law. Dunno why FSU didn't cover that stuff in HWSNBN's case.

    Cheers,

    ReplyDelete
  30. HWSNBN descends from dicta down to statements made by a judge in different proceedings:

    [In sentencing government leaker Lawrence Franklin to 12 years in prison in the AIPAC case,] U.S. District Judge T.S. Ellis III told the courtroom in Alexandria, Va., that he believed civilians are just as liable as government employees under laws governing the dissemination of classified information.

    "Persons who have unauthorized possession, who come into unauthorized possession of classified information, must abide by the law," Ellis said.

    "That applies to academics, lawyers, journalists, professors, whatever."

    Franklin was not a civilian. HTH.

    Cheers,

    ReplyDelete
  31. Anonymous9:35 PM

    Arne Langsetmo said...

    [In sentencing government leaker Lawrence Franklin to 12 years in prison in the AIPAC case,] U.S. District Judge T.S. Ellis III told the courtroom in Alexandria, Va., that he believed civilians are just as liable as government employees under laws governing the dissemination of classified information.

    "Persons who have unauthorized possession, who come into unauthorized possession of classified information, must abide by the law," Ellis said.

    "That applies to academics, lawyers, journalists, professors, whatever."

    Franklin was not a civilian. HTH.


    No kidding. This was a pointed warning to the two lobbyists/reporters who are still facing charges.

    ReplyDelete
  32. HWSNBN misses the point (again):

    Franklin was not a civilian. HTH.

    No kidding. This was a pointed warning to the two lobbyists/reporters who are still facing charges.

    But the trial Judge Ellis was presiding over was Franklin's. He can say what he wants to WRT the lobbyists, but legally it ain't worth a bucket of warm spit.

    Cheers,

    ReplyDelete
  33. Anonymous7:51 PM

    Bart,

    We can continue to disagree whether or not the NSA surveillance program was illegal, or for that matter the renditions to third countries for torture. As for the former, I am mostly convinced by the Administration's arguments as to why it was not a violation of FISA: 1) the president has an inherent power to overrule Congressional statutes in areas regarding the rules of war 2) Congress somehow accidentally overruled FISA with the AUMW. Neither argument is particularly convincing.

    I also concede that statutes regarding the release if classified information do not make a distinction as to whether the release causes specific identifiable harm, or whether the information reveals wrongdoing by the administration.

    However I still believe that the First Amendment guarantee of a free press indicates that, whatever some statute says, reporters should not be prosecuted for revealing government crimes.

    My question is whether you agree? If the NSA program were illegal, should the reporters be prosecuted for making it known? If not, then I assume the legality of the program would have to be an issue in the trial.

    If you would still support prosecution, even for the revelation of illegality, then I do not understand what protections the greater American public has against rogue administrations, given the justifiable fear reporters would then have for going to jail, even on worthy causes.

    ReplyDelete